Side elements of Upheaval

by Michael Hancock-Parmer on 4/8/2010 · 12 comments

As others, I continue to refresh my news sources for Kyrgyz details.  While reading all I could find, I noticed that Sarah’s post was quite unique.  What struck me was how Registan can’t help but be the anti-FP blog.  To be more specific, the fact that FP has two stories that seem to see the same data and draw different conclusions:

It’s not a revolution – Joshua Keating

Kyrgyzstan’s Analog Revolution – Evgeny Morozov

Keating’s piece does include this fair representation of events:

Outside observers have fallen into this trap before, Quinn-Judge, who was Time magazine’s Moscow bureau chief from 1996-2006, noted. “The ‘Tulip Revolution’ wasn’t a revolution. It was we journalists who called it that, or at least allowed our editors to call it that, who are to blame for that distortion of history.”

“It was a fairly well-crafted, concerted extra-constitutional reshuffle of the government whereby some key former members of the government pushed out the government.”

Quinn-Judge says the discontent with Bakiyev’s government that led to today’s events has been building for weeks, and was driven less by political repression than by bread and butter issues.

I understand that the Tulip Revolution had little in common with the other color-coded movements, but wouldn’t the events in Kyrgyzstan today be more like the “real thing?”  I don’t assume that the Russian Revolutions (yes, more than one) of the teens of the twentieth century were devoid of violence and senseless looting.  Some journalists point to the looting and say, “Not a Revolution,” that it’s being fueled more by hungry thugs looking to steal flatscreens from the parliament hall.  Might that just be the consequence of the failure of the rule of law?  That failure itself IS the revolution’s beginning, no?

Morozov’s piece accepts that it is a Revolution, and also that it is as I said – more like the real thing.  However, part of his evidence goes in direct opposition to Sarah’s piece – targeting the lack of social media and networking buzz.

In short: why is there no Twitter revolution in Kyrgyzstan? Becuase there is no one to hype it up.

I am in agreement, but I think we should be more suspicious of those situations that ARE hyped up, like his model of the Iranian Election twitter blow up.  Look to Tehrangeles and the Californian Iranian population first.  The same might be said of any and all newsworthy Armenian stories.  Not that there is no news, but that the news does not proclaim itself on FOX, MSNBC, CNN, etc.  The news that is important to its viewers – that is the stuff that makes the news crawler and commentary shows.

What Kyrgyz diaspora is going to come to the defense of the situation?  Perhaps the hordes of Kyrgyz workers in Russia – but they might be too busy dodging punches from Russian nationalists.

Morozov goes on to remind us of his expertise…

I’ve also omitted any discussion about the regional dimensions to this revolution, for the example, the split between Kyrgyzstan’s North and South and how both regions were communicating with the capital, and how what happened in each reinforced/undermined developments elsewhere. I’m well aware of that.

Well aware, but not sure it has anything to do with your article’s thesis?  If someone wanted to comment on whether or not these events were a Revolution, they’d better go back to 1991 at least, and chart the rise and fall of various power zones in the region, and in the various oblasts inside the country itself.

I myself am waiting to see Kazakhstan’s and Uzbekistan’s reaction to this — and mayhaps Tajikistan’s as well?


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This post was written by...

– author of 158 posts on Registan.net.

Michael earned an MA in Central Eurasian Studies in 2011 and remains a student at Indiana University pursuing a dual PhD in Russian History and Central Eurasian Studies. He served 6 months in the Peace Corps in Uzbekistan in 2005. After the events in Andijan and the subsequent closure of the program, he served 2 years in southern Kazakhstan, returning to the Midwest in 2007. His general area of interest is on post-Timur Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, centered on the Syr Darya river valley.

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{ 12 comments }

Laurence April 8, 2010 at 4:29 pm

Just saw this item on the Washington Post website that may be of interest regarding US interests:

Does the U.S. need to worry about Kyrgyzstan’s new leader?
The self-proclaimed interim leader of Kyrgyzstan — an obscure Central Asian state with a very important U.S. military base — raised some alarms in Washington when she took a congratulatory phone call from Vladimir Putin and thanked Russia for its “significant help” in disposing of the regime of Kurbanbek Bakiyev. Bakiyev, after all, had defied Putin by refusing to close the U.S. Manas airbase, which is important to the war in Afghanistan, even after Putin summoned him to Moscow last year and essentially paid him to do so.

An unnamed Russian official in Prague fueled the speculation by telling reporters Thursday that Kyrgyzstan should have only one foreign military base — and that it should be Russian. So, did Moscow somehow sponsor this week’s popular rebellion-cum-coup in order to expel the United States from what it regards as its sphere of influence?

Not likely. I’ve met Roza Otunbayeva, the new Kygyrz leader, as have many in Washington. She lived here for several years in the 1990s while serving as her country’s first ambassador to the United States. She is a product of the former Soviet Union; she was once the Soviet ambassador to Malaysia. But the good news is that she comes as close as anyone in Kyrgyzstan does to being a liberal democrat.

Otunbayeva, now 59, came to Washington in June 2005 as acting foreign minister following Kyrgyzstan’s last revolution — one that, like that of the last several days, involved the violent ouster of an autocrat by mobs that stormed government buildings. That episode was called “the Tulip revolution,” in the spirit of the popular uprisings for democracy that had taken place in Georgia, Ukraine and Lebanon in the previous 18 months.

But the nature of the 2005 Kyrgyz uprising was more ambiguous than the other “color revolutions.” Some of its leaders were advocates of liberal democracy; others were simply rivals of the previous ruler, Askar Akayev. It wasn’t clear what direction the new regime would go in — and as it turned out, a new autocracy, led by Bakiyev, began to entrench itself a few months later.

Otunbayeva, however, was a confirmed member of the liberal camp. During the visit to Washington, she stressed that she wanted “the United States to protect democracy and build democracy,” as I quoted her at the time. She asked then-Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice for help in funding free media and in training security forces. She said the new administration would hold free and fair elections. And she said Kyrgyzstan should seek good relations with both Russia and the United States. “We want to debut a new country and a new attitude of the world toward us,” she said.

A few months later, Otunbayeva was forced out of the foreign ministry, and she soon became an opposition leader. Since then, she has watched, no doubt with frustration, as the United States cultivated Bakiyev, even as he constructed a corrupt, nepotistic regime and staged fraudulent elections. It would be understandable if she harbored resentment. She’s also only one of a few opposition leaders; her position as interim president doesn’t necessarily mean her views will prevail.

It nevertheless seems possible that Otunbayeva — if she survives the ongoing turmoil — will try to return to the program she spelled out five years ago. She’s been quoted as saying that the new regime will not immediately act on the Manas base, and that it will hold elections in six months. At best, Otunbayeva could lead a breakthrough for democracy in autocrat-dominated Central Asia — which would be a win for the United States.

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Brian April 8, 2010 at 8:30 pm

Thanks for that Laurence, very interesting. Do you happen to have a link?

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DE Teodoru April 8, 2010 at 4:37 pm
Laurence April 8, 2010 at 5:17 pm

Well, that’s an interesting report, even if only 1/2 of it is true…and it brings Iran into the mix, as well. Could Bakiev launch a civil war from the South such as happened in Tajikistan? or just fade away like Akayev in exile? Would Kyrgyz revolutionaries post captured CIA documents on the internet, as Iranians did after the 1979 hostage crisis? I bet some more Registan readers have some ideas…

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Grant April 8, 2010 at 9:03 pm

Considering the absence of large scale warlords in Kyrgyzstan and the fact that the new government is reportedly in control of the military and police it’d be difficult for him to start a war.
As for the CIA, I can’t really see why. There may be a feeling in Kyrgyzstan that the U.S supported someone that the people hated (with some justification) but I can’t see Kyrgyzstan doing something guaranteed to infuriate the U.S in such a blatant manner. Kyrgyzstan is actually one of the poorer Central Asian nations, and with the U.S military so interested in renting bases it simply would be bad business.

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Turgai Sangar April 9, 2010 at 4:14 am

I don’t think that the opposition and protesters are ideologically sophisticated enough to see or be aware at the moment of the link between the economic and social morass in Kyrgyzstan and the policies of the international financial institutions in the country since the nineties. Because it should be the latter’s offices who should be wrecked and their twat consultants who should be booted out of the country really.

As for Bakiev, he’s a different and tougher character that Akayev. Akayev was rather an effeminate intellectual who was cut off from reality by his entourage, starting with greedy wife and son-in-law. When people rose he was sincerely at total loss I think. Bakiev is more a muzhik: a bloke from the province who went bottom-up.

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Grant April 10, 2010 at 6:31 am

The protesters might not but the elites certainly are.

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Gene Daniels April 12, 2010 at 8:04 am

A few years ago I read a UN report about civil wars. One thing that stood out to me and still does today is that 500 well-armed men can sustain a civil war for several years. In the Kyrgyz context of clan rivalries, arrest warrants, and revenge, I can easily see the possiblity of Bakiev rallying 200-500 men and arming them.

I am not predicting this, just pointing out that the there is a fairly low starting thresh hold for something that in the future will be called a “civil war.” I sincerely hope the people of KG does not have the stomach for this, but remember, there are hurt and dead people on both sides. It was not just protesters that were killed. The calls for action and revenge will be strong on both sides of the this.

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Turgai Sangar April 9, 2010 at 4:38 am

What *might* exacerbate north-south tensions is, if the interim government or who- or whatever succeeds it, starts to systematically push southerners out of government and administration or if southerners living in Bishkek deliberately become the target of violence or harrassment. This is more or less what basically happened in Dushanbe in the ’90s. It’s theoretically possible. So far, there are not signs, that this is happening though.

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Turgai Sangar April 9, 2010 at 4:25 am

Bollocks. I don’t think that the protesters think about genealogical trees or that this in any way determines the chance for a civil war. Rather, I believe that people in the south might be genuinely shocked by the grim turn that things have taken in Bishkek and that this has more effect than whether someone has a Dungan, Kalmyk or Udmurt parent really.

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Turgai April 10, 2010 at 4:48 am

Well in that case I think I score lower on bollocks scale than you do because you just confirm what I wanted to say: the support to this or that party is not determined by genealogy, while you intially suggested that it did.

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Grant April 10, 2010 at 6:33 am

Ethnic tensions might play a role, few non-Kyrgyz people can make it high in the government.

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